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Analysis

Whose Military is Strongest among ASEAN Nations?

Whose Military is Strongest among ASEAN Nations?

In the decades since its establishment on August 8, 1967, in Bangkok by the original five member countries—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand—ASEAN has seen significant advancements in military modernization across its member states. Brunei Darussalam joined in 1984, followed by Vietnam in 1995, Laos and Myanmar in 1997, and Cambodia in 1999. After the conclusion of the Vietnam War in 1975, Southeast Asian nations began a period of substantial modernization of their armed forces. However, progress was interrupted by the 1997 Asian financial crisis. During this time, ASEAN countries saw an increase and modernization of combat helicopters, combat planes, medium-range howitzers, tanks, armored personnel carriers (APCs), missile-armed naval vessels, and military personnel. While defense spending in Southeast Asia has remained relatively stable in relation to GDP, it has increased significantly in absolute terms. Let us explore this topic in detail.

Indonesia 

Indonesia ranks 13th among the world’s top 15 military powers, according to the 2024 GFP index, with a Power Index score of 0.2251. Home to about 260 million people, Indonesia is the fourth most populous country globally. Its Armed Forces comprise the Air Force, Navy, including the Marine Corps, and Army, with approximately 400,000 active-duty soldiers. In 2023, Indonesia’s defense budget stands at $8.8 billion, making it the second-largest military spender in Southeast Asia after Singapore. Driven by ongoing modernization efforts, this expenditure is expected to rise to $9.7 billion by 2028, according to Global Data. The TNI originated from informal militias and guerrilla warfare during the Indonesian National Revolution and has since focused on maintaining internal stability and defending against external threats, structured around the nation’s geographical boundaries.

Historically, the military held significant political influence until reforms in 1998 removed its official legislative representation, though some political sway remains. Since gaining independence, Indonesia has faced local insurgencies and separatist movements, particularly in Aceh and Papua. The Aceh conflict was resolved in 2005, while tensions in Papua persist despite efforts to implement regional autonomy laws and reduce violence and human rights abuses.

The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) has a complex history marked by significant conflicts, including the war against the Netherlands over Dutch New Guinea in the late 1950s, where the TNI played a crucial role in asserting Indonesia’s claim, leading to the New York Agreement in 1962. In the early 1960s, the TNI opposed the formation of Malaysia through covert operations and border skirmishes under the policy of “Konfrontasi.” Following the 1965 failed coup attempt, the TNI conducted mass executions of Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) members, profoundly impacting the political landscape. In 1975, the TNI spearheaded the controversial invasion of East Timor, marked by human rights abuses and resistance from independence fighters. These events have significantly influenced Indonesia’s military doctrine, strategic outlook, and regional relations, highlighting the TNI’s role in safeguarding national interests amidst complex geopolitical challenges.

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Economically, Indonesia stands as the 16th largest economy globally, with a nominal GDP exceeding $1 trillion. Over the past two decades, Indonesia has demonstrated remarkable economic resilience, consistently achieving annual growth rates above 5%, except for a 2.07% contraction in 2020 due to the pandemic, marking its first decline since the Asian financial crisis of 1998. Indonesia is on track to become the world’s seventh-largest economy by 2030, according to McKinsey & Company. As the sole Southeast Asian representative in the G20, Indonesia boasts a dynamic demographic with 272 million people, making it the fourth most populous country globally. Two-thirds of its population is of working age, contributing to an educated labor force of over 130 million, with an average age of 28 years. This young, vibrant demographic is fueling a rapidly growing middle class, which includes 52 million individuals spending between $7.75 and $38 per day and an additional 115 million aspiring middle-class members earning $3.3 to $7.75 daily. Furthermore, Indonesia’s investment landscape is highly attractive, with most corporate sectors permitting 100% foreign ownership and expanded opportunities for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

Challenges

Over the past decade, the Indonesian government has emphasized the “million friends, zero enemy” ideology, complicating strategic policymaking by necessitating defense procurement decisions. The acquisition of new weaponry could potentially disrupt the balance of military power in the region, and distinguishing between offensive and defensive arsenals is increasingly challenging. Nevertheless, Indonesia’s growing maritime issues compel politicians and parliamentarians to modernize the military’s armament. President Joko Widodo’s strong political commitment to his maritime vision highlights the urgency of this task. Increasing Indonesia’s defense budget to 1.5 percent of GDP is essential to fund the TNI’s weaponry acquisition and maintenance programs. A significant shift in Indonesia’s defense strategy, referred to as “mindset change” (revolusi mental), highlights the need for robust air and naval power in response to the region’s growing strategic significance.

Vietnam

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Vietnam ranks 22nd out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP index, with a Power Index score of 0.3158. The Vietnam People’s Armed Forces consist of the Vietnam People’s Army (VPA), the Vietnam People’s Public Security, and the Vietnam Self-Defense Militia. The VPA includes the Vietnam People’s Air Force, Navy, Ground Forces, Border Guards, and Coast Guards. With approximately 450,000 active personnel and a potential force of up to 5 million, as for 2024, the country’s defense budget has increased. It is now estimated to be around $7.8 billion, with a robust forecasted compound annual growth rate of more than 5% during the period from 2025 to 2029. The country has participated in joint military drills and simulations with the US, Singapore, Russia, Laos, India, and Brunei. In 2017, Vietnam ratified the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of nuclear weapons.

Vietnam was the fifteenth largest weapons importer globally between 2010 and 2022, ranked among the top six in the Asia-Pacific region alongside China, India, Australia, South Korea, and Japan. From 1995 to 2022, Vietnam imported $9.16 billion worth of weapons, with Russia providing 81.5% of that total. Vietnam has shifted its military focus to include maritime security missions, enhancing surface, subsurface, air defense, and air force capabilities. There is increasing demand for naval combatants, aerial defense systems, intelligence systems, and surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) equipment. Improved regulatory environments have opened significant economic opportunities for American defense companies, particularly following the easing of the long-standing arms embargo by President Obama during his 2016 visit to Vietnam.

Vietnam’s military capabilities have grown since the end of the Vietnam War. However, the Cambodian Civil War’s leadership was forced to demobilize when the Soviet Union, a long-time supporter, cut off its backing. Consequently, Vietnam did not modernize to the same extent as Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and Myanmar during the 1990s. Military spending estimates indicate a gradual increase from 2009 to 2018, with a real-term rise of 75%, although off-budget spending reports also emerged. Vietnam collaborates militarily with India, acquiring several advanced Indian weapons, and receives training support from Japan and Australia. Foreign assistance has boosted Vietnam’s indigenous armaments industry, enabling the construction of warships using foreign designs. Despite these advancements, Vietnam remains focused on the threat from China, expanding and modernizing its navy with new submarines and modern frigates, thereby achieving blue-water capability.

Challenges

Vietnam’s military continues to rely on outdated equipment, which can hinder its operational effectiveness. Despite modernization efforts, various Soviet-era systems remain in service, often lacking the advanced capabilities of newer technologies. This legacy poses a challenge in maintaining a competitive edge. Funding limitations significantly constrain Vietnam’s military modernization, necessitating careful allocation of the defense budget to balance upgrading existing systems and acquiring new technologies. Despite these challenges, Vietnam’s military remains formidable, particularly in coastal defense. Its strategic focus on defending its extensive coastline and territorial waters has led to the development of active naval and missile capabilities.

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Thailand

Thailand is ranked 25th out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP review, with a Power Index score of 0.3389. The Royal Thai Armed Forces, comprising the Royal Thai Air Force, Royal Thai Navy, and Royal Thai Army, along with various paramilitary groups, consist of 306,000 active-duty members and 245,000 active reservists. The king serves as the commander-in-chief, while the Chief of Defence Forces, under the Minister of Defence, oversees the armed forces. From 2005 to 2016, Thailand’s annual defense budget more than tripled from $1.98 billion to $5.88 billion, accounting for 1.4% of GDP. A 2015 Credit Suisse analysis ranked Thailand 16th on the global Military Strength Index. The military also undertakes humanitarian tasks, such as escorting Rohingya refugees to Malaysia or Indonesia and ensuring migrant safety during the Indochina refugee crisis. Thai males over 21 are subject to an active draft system, with service duration varying based on their reserve training and educational background. In 2017, Thailand ratified the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of nuclear weapons.

US military assistance during the Vietnam War significantly boosted Thailand’s military modernization plans, especially after the Communist victory in 1975 and subsequent US withdrawal. Since the 1990s, Thailand has focused on strengthening its fleet to safeguard its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), acquiring the aircraft carrier Chakri Naruebet to develop blue-water capabilities. Reform initiatives aimed at creating a smaller, more skilled force prioritized acquiring artillery, IFVs, tanks, submarines, fighter planes, and frigates. Concerns over falling behind Malaysia prompted Thailand to upgrade existing weapons or purchase used ones. Military corruption is evident in Thailand. Domestic political considerations influenced defense decisions, such as reimbursing the navy for not joining the military junta in 1991. Defense ministers have often justified submarine acquisitions by citing the need to keep up with other nations. Following the 2014 coup, military spending has surged, a trend likely to continue under the 20-year national strategic blueprint. Since 2010, China has been a significant supplier, including an order for three S-26T submarines. The decommissioning of outdated weapons slightly increased the military arsenal’s volume. Thailand’s modern weaponry includes F-16s and Saab JAS 39 Gripen multirole aircraft, T-84 Oplot M main battle tanks, and Knox-class, Type 025T, and Type 053HT missile frigates.

Challenges

Thailand’s internal political issues significantly impact its defense planning and military operations. Frequent changes in government, coups, and political unrest create an unstable environment that complicates long-term defense strategies and the consistent implementation of modernization plans. Adequate funding for defense remains a persistent challenge for Thailand. Economic limitations and competing priorities within the national budget affect the ability to invest in new technologies and maintain existing equipment. This financial strain can lead to gaps in capability and readiness. Thailand’s military is competent and well-trained, but it faces substantial internal challenges.

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Singapore

Singapore ranks 30th out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP review, with a Power Index score of 0.4087. The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF), comprising the Air Force, Navy, Army, and Digital and Intelligence Service, are among Southeast Asia’s most technologically advanced military force. Singapore allocates 4.9% of its GDP to defence, with one-quarter of its budget dedicated to military spending. After gaining independence, Singapore’s military was initially limited to two British-commanded infantry regiments. The British withdrawal in 1971 left Singapore with minimal defense capabilities, prompting the nation to prioritize military expansion. Israel, despite not being recognized by neighboring Malaysia and Indonesia, played a crucial role in developing the SAF. Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) commanders helped establish the SAF from scratch, and Israeli instructors trained Singaporean soldiers. The IDF framework influenced Singapore’s military education and conscription system, leading to ongoing close security ties and significant purchases of Israeli weaponry, such as the MATADOR anti-tank weapon.

The SAF is designed to address both conventional and unconventional warfare challenges. The Defence Science and Technology Agency (DSTA) manages military procurement. The small population necessitates a substantial reserve force alongside a small active force. All physically fit males must enlist at 18, with deferments available for those completing pre-university education, holding Public Service Commission scholarships, or pursuing local medical degrees. Women, although not subject to conscription, have increasingly taken up roles within the SAF since 1989.

Recruits undergo at least nine weeks of basic military training before joining specific branches of the armed forces. Due to limited space on the main island, amphibious warfare and live-firing exercises often occur on restricted nearby islands or overseas in countries such as the US, Thailand, Brunei, and Indonesia. The Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) maintains several overseas bases, including in Australia, the US, and France, to overcome airspace and land constraints.

The SAF has participated in various international missions, providing military and humanitarian assistance in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, East Timor, Aceh (post-2004 tsunami), and as part of Task Force 151 combating piracy in the Gulf of Aden. Singapore is also a member of the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) with Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.

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By 2004, Singapore’s military was considered the most advanced in Southeast Asia. From 2009 to 2018, Singapore consistently dedicated a fixed portion of its GDP to defense, maintaining its status as the region’s largest arms importer and ranking highly on the Bonn International Centre for Conversion’s Global Militarization Index. Singapore’s established armaments industry allows it to domestically produce and export ships, artillery, and armored vehicles. The RSAF is renowned for its long-range operational capabilities and has participated in the US F-35 program since 2003.

Challenges

Singapore’s relatively small population limits the size of its ground forces. This demographic challenge necessitates a focus on maximizing the effectiveness of a smaller number of personnel through extensive training, advanced technology, and efficient force multipliers. Singapore relies heavily on imports for its military equipment, as it lacks a large domestic defense manufacturing base. This dependence on foreign suppliers leads to vulnerabilities in supply chain security and delays in acquiring new technologies, especially during times of international tension. Despite its small manpower pool and reliance on imported equipment, Singapore invests heavily in cutting-edge technology and rigorous training programs. This approach ensures that its military remains a formidable and efficient force, capable of defending the nation and contributing to regional security.

Philippines

The Philippines is ranked 34th out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP review, with a Power Index score of 0.4691. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) consist of the Philippine Air Force, Philippine Army, and Philippine Navy. Additionally, the Philippine National Police, under the Department of the Interior and Local Government, is responsible for civilian security. As of 2022, the AFP employed over 280,000 personnel, including 130,000 active military soldiers, 100,000 reservists, and 50,000 paramilitaries. In 2021, the Philippine military budget was $4.09 billion, which represented 1.04% of GDP. The Philippine Armed Forces are undergoing a significant modernization through the “Re-Horizon 3” program, aimed at enhancing defense capabilities against emerging threats. This ambitious initiative involves a substantial investment of approximately $35 billion over the next decade to acquire modern weapons, equipment, and technology.

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A key focus area of the modernization plan is improving domain awareness. The Philippines intends to enhance its surveillance capabilities within its territorial waters and airspace to better monitor and respond to activities in critical areas. This effort is complemented by improvements in connectivity, with the armed forces working on enhancing communication networks to ensure seamless coordination and rapid response during operations. Surveillance and reconnaissance are also major priorities. Investments are being made in advanced surveillance systems, reconnaissance aircraft, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). These technologies will provide the Philippines with better situational awareness and the ability to conduct effective reconnaissance missions. Additionally, robust intelligence gathering capabilities are recognized as essential for addressing security challenges, and efforts are underway to strengthen these capabilities.

Recent procurements and collaborations highlight the progress made in the modernization plan. The Philippines signed a $375 million deal with India for BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, significantly boosting its missile capabilities. Collaborations with South Korean shipbuilder Hyundai Heavy Industries have resulted in the acquisition of Jose Rizal-class frigates, with two already in service, and plans for six offshore patrol vessels (OPVs) and two missile corvettes. Furthermore, an agreement with Sweden has been reached for the planned acquisition of Gripen multi-role fighter jets for the Philippine Air Force.

Challenges

Despite the ambitious nature of the plan, the Philippines faces economic challenges. Revised growth projections and borrowing costs pose concerns for funding the modernization. Achieving the $35 billion goal will require a significant increase in defense spending, which is contingent on sustained economic growth. This financial strain affects overall military readiness and capability development. The ongoing territorial disputes in the South China Sea significantly impact regional stability and the security environment of the Philippines. These disputes with China and other neighboring countries over maritime boundaries and resources increase tensions and require the Philippines to maintain a vigilant and capable defense posture. The Philippines’ military is steadily improving but continues to face significant challenges. Budget constraints and the complexities of regional territorial disputes necessitate a careful balancing act in defense planning and resource allocation.

Myanmar

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Myanmar is ranked 35th out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP review, with a Power Index score of 0.5251. The Myanmar Army, the largest branch of the armed forces, has historically received the majority of the military budget. Since 1948, the army has been a key player in conflicts against over 40 rebel groups, earning a reputation as a resilient and cunning force. In 1981, it was considered “perhaps the best army in Southeast Asia, aside from Vietnam’s,” a sentiment echoed in 1983, which described Myanmar’s infantry as one of the toughest and most combat-seasoned in the region. The Myanmar Air Force, established on January 16, 1947, during the British colonial period, initially consisted of a modest fleet including Airspeed Oxfords, de Havilland Tiger Moths, Austers, and Supermarine Spitfires. Its primary role has been to support the army’s counterinsurgency efforts through close air support, transportation, and logistics. The Myanmar Armed Forces, known as the Tatmadaw, have been at the center of significant turmoil and conflict following the military coup in February 2021. Led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the military ousted the democratically elected government, resulting in widespread protests and resistance. This move has united various opposition forces, including activists, ousted politicians, civilian-led People’s Defense Forces, and ethnic armed groups, all working towards the common goal of overthrowing the military junta, officially known as the State Administration Council, and establishing a genuine federal democracy.

The resistance movement has achieved notable victories, such as the capture of Myawaddy, a strategically important town on the Myanmar-Thai border in Kayin (Karen) State. Myawaddy is crucial for trade, with billions of dollars’ worth of goods passing through its border crossing to the Thai town of Mae Sot. Despite these achievements, the resistance faces significant challenges. The Tatmadaw maintains an advantage in firepower due to its military strength. In response to the intensifying conflict, the regime activated a military conscription law in February 2024, mandating military service for both men and women and aiming to conscript 60,000 new recruits annually. The current resistance is marked by its persistence and intensity, distinguishing it from previous uprisings. Despite brutal crackdowns by the military, the resistance movement remains steadfast in its objectives. The success in capturing strategic locations like Myawaddy demonstrates the opposition’s resolve and capability to contest the junta’s authority. China plays a role in the conflict, maintaining relations with the junta while also engaging with ethnic armed groups. China’s primary interest lies in ensuring stability in Myanmar to protect its economic interests, leading to a delicate balancing act in its involvement.

Challenges

The historical dominance of military rule in Myanmar continues to impact its governance. The military, or Tatmadaw, retains substantial influence over political and administrative affairs, often leading to tensions and conflicts between military and civilian authorities. This ongoing struggle complicates efforts to establish stable and democratic governance structures. Myanmar faces intense international scrutiny due to widespread human rights abuses, particularly against ethnic minorities such as the Rohingya. Reports of extrajudicial killings, forced displacements, and other violations have led to global condemnation and sanctions, further isolating the country and affecting its international relations and economic development. Myanmar’s military is significant in terms of size and influence but faces severe internal issues. The complex civil-military relations and persistent human rights concerns undermine the country’s stability and development. While the military remains a powerful force within Myanmar, these internal challenges hinder its effectiveness and international standing.

Malaysia

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Malaysia is ranked 42nd out of 145 countries in the 2024 GFP review, with a Power Index score of 0.5992. The Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF) consist of the Royal Malaysian Air Force, the Malaysian Army, and the Royal Malaysian Navy. The MAF has 113,000 active personnel and 51,600 reserve members. The highest-ranking official in the MAF is the King of Malaysia, Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Recent developments in the Malaysian Armed Forces highlights renewed emphasis on military modernization efforts under the current government. Proposals have been made for a 10% increase in the defense budget to support the acquisition of new combat aircraft and drones. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration is prioritizing these efforts despite competing demands on government spending. In the regional context, Malaysia faces growing tensions and challenges. In the South China Sea, Malaysian interests are contested, particularly concerning China’s use of grey-zone tactics to disrupt efforts to exploit undersea oil and gas resources within Malaysia’s Exclusive Economic Zone. Additionally, challenges persist in the Sulu Sea, including issues with smugglers, pirates, and extremist groups.

Despite these challenges, Malaysia remains a non-aligned country without any clear adversaries. While the pressure from China in the maritime domain is concerning, it is unlikely that Malaysia would engage in hostilities with China, given their significant economic ties. The armed forces of Malaysia are primarily geared towards responding to low-intensity contingencies. Following the Asian financial crisis over 25 years ago, Malaysia has opted out of military competition with neighboring Indonesia and Singapore, focusing instead on maintaining stability and economic recovery. Malaysia faces infrastructure challenges within its armed forces, with plans for remedial measures expected to start by 2024. However, immediate priorities for the government include repairing dilapidated school buildings. Additionally, there is a focus on rebalancing the ethnic composition within the armed forces to better reflect the country’s diversity.

Challenges

Adequate funding remains a challenge for Malaysia’s military, affecting its ability to modernize and maintain existing equipment. Financial constraints limit the acquisition of advanced technologies and the implementation of comprehensive training programs, impacting overall military readiness and capability. Malaysia faces a shortage of personnel for its ground forces, which hinders its ability to fully staff and operate its military units. This shortage necessitates a focus on optimizing the efficiency and effectiveness of the available manpower through rigorous training and strategic deployment. Malaysia’s military is capable and maintains a reasonable level of readiness, but it faces significant resource constraints.

Concluding Note

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In the end, while Indonesia currently leads in terms of military strength within ASEAN, each ASEAN member state has its unique strengths and challenges. For instance, Vietnam is formidable in coastal defense but struggles with outdated equipment and budget constraints. Thailand has a competent military but faces significant challenges due to political instability and funding limitations. Singapore boasts a technologically advanced military despite a small manpower pool and reliance on imported equipment. The Philippines is steadily improving its military capabilities but is hampered by budget constraints and territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Myanmar has a significant military presence but deals with complex civil-military relations and severe human rights concerns. Malaysia maintains a capable military but faces resource constraints, including budget limitations and personnel shortages are a concern.

Co-operation and regional stability remain crucial for addressing these challenges and enhancing collective security within the region. Through joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and diplomatic efforts, ASEAN member states can manage their limitations more effectively and increase regional defense capabilities. Collaborative initiatives such as the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM) and the ADMM-Plus provide platforms for fostering military cooperation, promoting peace, and ensuring a stable and secure Southeast Asia.

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Analysis

How will US Elections impact Philippines?

How will US Elections impact Philippines?

The U.S.-Philippines relationship, spanning over a century, remains a cornerstone of both countries’ strategic and economic interests in Southeast Asia. The alliance, rooted in historical ties dating back to the American colonization of the Philippines in 1898, has evolved through different geopolitical eras, from the Cold War to the rise of China. Under former President Donald Trump, U.S.-Philippines relations saw continuity in defense and security cooperation, but new complexities emerged in areas like trade and climate change. With President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. now leading the Philippines, the relationship continues to adapt to changing global dynamics, setting the stage for future shifts, particularly if Trump were to return to the presidency in 2024.

Historical Foundations and the Evolution of Defense Cooperation

The U.S.-Philippines alliance has historically been anchored in defense agreements, starting with the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) of 1951, which cemented the commitment of both nations to come to each other’s aid in case of an armed attack. This treaty has been the backbone of U.S. military presence in the region, alongside other agreements like the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) of 2014.

During the Cold War, the Philippines served as a critical ally for the U.S., hosting major military installations like Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Station, which were vital to projecting U.S. power across the Pacific. Although these bases were closed in the early 1990s, the U.S. continued to engage with the Philippines through joint military exercises, arms sales, and rotational troop deployments. The signing of EDCA revitalized this relationship by allowing U.S. forces access to Philippine military bases, further deepening defense cooperation.

Trump’s Approach: Pragmatic Assertiveness and Unilateralism

Under Donald Trump, U.S. foreign policy was defined by a shift toward unilateralism, framed by the “America First” doctrine. While the broader policy landscape changed, the Trump administration’s approach to the Philippines maintained a strong defense partnership, particularly concerning China’s growing influence in the South China Sea. Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) continued to challenge China’s territorial claims, and the U.S. reaffirmed its commitment to the MDT. In 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo assured Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte that any armed attack on Philippine forces in the South China Sea would trigger U.S. obligations under the defense treaty.

However, Trump’s diplomacy was often transactional, using economic and military assistance as leverage for political concessions. Despite this, the military alliance between the two countries remained robust, largely driven by shared concerns over China’s aggressive posturing in the South China Sea. Trump’s administration made it clear that maintaining regional stability was a priority, even as he recalibrated U.S. alliances globally.

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Economic Ties: Trade Surplus and Potential for Future Tariffs

Beyond security cooperation, economic relations between the U.S. and the Philippines are significant. The U.S. is one of the Philippines’ largest trading partners, and the Philippines enjoys a trade surplus with the U.S., exporting goods such as electronics, garments, and agricultural products. In 2022, Philippine exports to the U.S. amounted to over $11 billion, while imports stood at around $9 billion, resulting in a favorable trade balance for Manila.

A key concern for the Philippines under a potential second Trump administration would be the return of protectionist trade policies. Trump’s first term was marked by the imposition of tariffs on several countries, which affected global supply chains and created new trade dynamics. Another Trump tenure could potentially trigger a new wave of tariffs, though the Philippines might benefit in certain sectors, particularly if the U.S. seeks to diversify supply chains away from China. This could create opportunities for Philippine exporters, particularly in electronics and manufacturing, as the U.S. looks to strengthen economic ties with Southeast Asian nations that are not directly involved in the U.S.-China trade war.

Climate Change and Divergent Policies

One of the areas where Trump’s policy diverged significantly from the Philippines’ interests was on climate change. The Philippines, as one of the most climate-vulnerable countries in the world, has consistently advocated for stronger international cooperation on environmental issues. Trump’s skepticism toward climate science, epitomized by his withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, strained this aspect of the U.S.-Philippines relationship.

Under Duterte, the Philippines remained committed to global climate action, though his administration often sought to balance environmental priorities with economic development. The lack of U.S. leadership on climate issues during Trump’s presidency was a missed opportunity for deeper cooperation. As the Philippines faces more frequent and severe natural disasters, collaboration on climate resilience and green energy initiatives is crucial for future bilateral relations.

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The Marcos Administration: Navigating Old Alliances and New Realities

Since taking office in 2022, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has sought to strike a balance between maintaining strong ties with the U.S. and expanding relations with China. While Duterte had pursued a “pivot to China” policy, Marcos has recalibrated Manila’s approach, emphasizing the importance of the U.S. as a security partner while continuing to engage economically with Beijing.

Under Marcos, U.S.-Philippines defense cooperation has deepened further, particularly with the 2024 conclusion of new defense agreements that expand U.S. access to Philippine military facilities under the EDCA. These agreements were factored into the U.S. defense budget for 2024, underscoring the strategic importance Washington places on its alliance with Manila in countering Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific. The EDCA not only enhances military readiness but also provides infrastructure improvements to Philippine bases, contributing to economic development in the host regions.

The Biden administration has reinforced these defense ties, but questions remain about how a potential second Trump term might alter the course of the relationship. While Trump previously upheld strong military relations, his unpredictable foreign policy style could introduce uncertainties. For instance, Trump might attempt to renegotiate existing agreements, as he did with other U.S. alliances, seeking to reduce U.S. financial contributions or increase demands for Philippine support in countering China.

The Future of U.S.-Philippines Relations

Looking ahead, U.S.-Philippines relations are likely to be shaped by both geopolitical competition and economic considerations. The strategic alliance will continue to focus on the South China Sea, where both nations share concerns about Chinese territorial ambitions. The U.S. will also remain a crucial economic partner for the Philippines, given the ongoing trade surplus and potential opportunities arising from supply chain diversification. Additionally, new defense agreements in 2024 have solidified the Philippines’ role in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, which will likely remain a priority regardless of changes in U.S. leadership.

However, the return of Donald Trump to the White House could bring significant changes. A second Trump administration might pursue a more transactional approach to defense and trade agreements, potentially seeking new tariffs or renegotiating military commitments. While the U.S. would likely maintain its focus on countering China’s influence in the region, the nature of its engagement with the Philippines could shift, with increased pressure on Manila to take a more active role in regional security.

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Moreover, Trump’s skepticism toward multilateral agreements and climate change could complicate efforts to strengthen cooperation in these areas. The Philippines, which faces severe environmental challenges, might find itself at odds with a Trump administration unwilling to prioritize climate resilience initiatives. In this scenario, the Philippines could look to other international partners, such as the European Union or Japan, for collaboration on green energy and environmental sustainability.

Strategic Responses of the Philippines

In response to potential changes in U.S. leadership and its implications, the Philippines is likely to diversify its alliances. In order to balance its strategic objectives, it may increase its interaction with other major international powers, such as China, Japan, and the European Union (EU). Reducing over-reliance on the United States also means bolstering ASEAN ties. While keeping a strategic presence in international forums like ASEAN, the UN, and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Philippines will concentrate on regional cooperation to secure economic stability and security.

To navigate changing relations with a potentially repositioning U.S. leadership, the Philippines will have to employ a diplomatic strategy that is subtle. This entails maintaining national security and fostering economic expansion while striking a balance with other great powers. China’s increasing influence in the region is being countered by the Philippines through a trilateral approach that includes actively strengthening its strategic ties with Japan and the US. The focus will be on keeping a diplomatic balance that advances both security and economic goals.

It is anticipated that the Philippine government will reevaluate its domestic policies in light of prospective changes in U.S. leadership. This include adjustments to economic planning, defense plans, and foreign policy. The goal of domestic changes will be to strengthen the nation’s ability to withstand and adjust to changes in the world economy. In order to maintain the nation’s security and economic viability in the face of shifting global dynamics, the Philippine National Security Policy emphasizes the necessity of a strong plan to handle both internal and external threats.

Conclusion

U.S.-Philippines relations, built on a shared history and strategic interests, continue to evolve in response to shifting global dynamics. Under Trump, the military alliance was strengthened, particularly in light of growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. However, divergences over trade and climate change introduced new complexities into the relationship. As the Marcos administration navigates its ties with both the U.S. and China, the future of U.S.-Philippines relations will hinge on balancing security, economic, and environmental priorities in an increasingly multipolar world.

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With new defense agreements in place and trade opportunities on the horizon, the partnership remains critical for both nations. However, the potential for significant policy shifts under a second Trump administration underscores the uncertainty that lies ahead. The ability of both nations to adapt to these changes will determine the resilience and success of one of the oldest alliances in the Asia-Pacific.

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Analysis

South China Sea: Philippines and Vietnam Deepen Defense Ties Amid Rising Tensions with China

South China Sea Philippines and Vietnam Deepen Defense Ties Amid Rising Tensions with China

The South China Sea (SCS) has long been a focal point of international geopolitical tension. A region that holds vast economic and strategic importance, it has seen competing claims from various nations. At the heart of this dispute lies China’s expansive territorial claims, which have been a source of friction with its neighbors, including Vietnam and the Philippines. As of late August 2024, both countries have taken significant steps to deepen their defense ties, signaling a potential shift in the regional dynamics surrounding the SCS. However, this recent development raises questions about its broader implications, given the complexity of the disputes and the strategic interests of the involved nations.

Historical Background: The South China Sea Dispute

The South China Sea, a body of water stretching from the southeastern coast of China to the northern shores of Borneo, holds immense strategic value. It is not only a critical maritime route through which an estimated $3 trillion worth of trade passes annually but also a region believed to be rich in oil, natural gas, and fish stocks. The territorial disputes in the region primarily revolve around a set of islands, reefs, and shoals, with China making sweeping claims over most of the South China Sea, marked by its controversial “nine-dash line.”

China’s claims overlap with those of several Southeast Asian nations, including the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan. Despite international legal rulings, particularly the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration decision that invalidated China’s claims, Beijing has continued to assert its presence through aggressive maritime actions and the militarization of artificial islands. This has, in turn, led to growing tensions with countries like Vietnam and the Philippines, both of whom have found themselves at the forefront of the dispute.

Recent Developments: Strengthening Defense Ties

In late August 2024, Vietnam’s Defense Minister Phan Van Giang visited Manila to meet his Philippine counterpart, Gilberto Teodoro. This meeting culminated in the signing of “letters of intent” aimed at enhancing bilateral defense cooperation between the two nations, particularly in maritime security and disaster response. The agreement is seen as an effort to solidify ties amid growing Chinese assertiveness in the SCS. An official security agreement between the two nations is expected to be signed later in the year, marking a significant development in the evolving security architecture of Southeast Asia.

However, experts suggest that, at this stage, the deepening defense ties are more symbolic than substantive. According to Nguyen Khac Giang, a visiting fellow at the Vietnam Studies Program at the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, the move is largely diplomatic and reflects a long-term strategy rather than an immediate shift in military cooperation. While both nations share a common interest in resisting China’s maritime ambitions, their approaches to the South China Sea dispute differ significantly.

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Symbolic Diplomacy or Strategic Shift?

The decision to boost defense ties between Vietnam and the Philippines may be a symbolic gesture for now, but it reflects a deeper undercurrent of change in Southeast Asia’s security landscape. For both countries, the territorial dispute with China is a critical issue that could shape their future foreign policy and defense strategies.

Vietnam, which has a long-standing dispute with China, has traditionally sought to manage its differences with Beijing diplomatically. Since a 2011 agreement, both nations have made efforts to prevent further escalation in the South China Sea. Vietnam’s approach has been characterized by a careful balance: bolstering its claims through land reclamation and fortification while maintaining a functional relationship with China.

The Philippines, on the other hand, has had a more confrontational stance towards China, especially in recent years. The territorial dispute between Manila and Beijing has escalated, with both sides accusing the other of aggressive actions in disputed waters. For the Philippines, closer ties with Vietnam signal an attempt to build regional partnerships as a counterbalance to China’s maritime assertiveness.

According to Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington, this deepening relationship between the Philippines and Vietnam is a positive diplomatic step, though it may not immediately translate into significant military collaboration. The Philippines’ limited maritime capabilities, combined with Vietnam’s cautious approach to deploying its naval forces, means that both nations are still navigating how to turn diplomatic rhetoric into practical military cooperation. Nevertheless, Abuza notes that such engagements could encourage Vietnam to engage more actively in regional security dynamics, particularly in military exercises and deployments.

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The Geopolitical Context: China’s Influence and ASEAN’s Division

The growing defense ties between the Philippines and Vietnam must be viewed within the broader context of China’s influence in Southeast Asia. Beijing’s strategy has long been to engage with claimant states on a bilateral basis, thereby preventing a unified regional response to its claims in the South China Sea. This approach has been largely successful, as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a regional bloc comprising 10 nations, has struggled to form a common stance on the issue.

China has been adept at exploiting divisions within ASEAN, often leveraging economic and political influence to ensure that member states with close economic ties to Beijing, such as Cambodia and Laos, do not support a unified position on the South China Sea. This fragmentation has allowed China to deal with each claimant state individually, avoiding multilateral negotiations that could put it at a disadvantage.

In this context, the recent Vietnam-Philippines defense agreement can be seen as a response to China’s divide-and-conquer tactics. By strengthening their bilateral ties, both nations are signaling their intent to resist Chinese pressure and assert their claims more forcefully. As Abuza notes, the move towards “minilateralism”—small groups of nations cooperating on shared interests—may be the only viable way for Southeast Asian claimant states to push back against China’s dominance.

The Role of the United States

The United States has been a key player in the South China Sea dispute, particularly in its support for the Philippines. Under the Mutual Defense Treaty signed in 1951, Washington has pledged to defend the Philippines in the event of an armed attack, including in the South China Sea. This commitment has been reiterated multiple times, especially as tensions between the Philippines and China have escalated.

For the Philippines, its defense relationship with the U.S. remains a cornerstone of its security strategy. However, the deepening ties with Vietnam reflect a broader strategy of diversifying its defense partnerships. This is partly a recognition that the U.S. alone may not be able to fully counter China’s influence in the region and that regional cooperation is essential.

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Vietnam, too, has been seeking to strengthen its international partnerships. While maintaining a cautious approach to its relationship with China, Vietnam has been working to build stronger ties with nations both within and outside of ASEAN. Its defense ties with countries like the U.S., India, and Japan have grown in recent years, as Hanoi seeks to enhance its military capabilities and secure its position in the South China Sea.

Future Prospects: Toward Greater Regional Cooperation?

While the recent agreement between Vietnam and the Philippines is an important step, the question remains whether this will lead to broader regional cooperation among Southeast Asian claimant states. As of now, ASEAN has been unable to present a unified front on the South China Sea, largely due to China’s influence and the differing interests of its member states.

However, there is potential for greater cooperation among like-minded nations within ASEAN. The South China Sea remains a critical issue for countries like Vietnam, the Philippines, and Malaysia, all of whom have seen their territorial claims challenged by China. Strengthening bilateral and multilateral defense ties, as Vietnam and the Philippines are now doing, could pave the way for a more coordinated regional response to China’s maritime ambitions.

In the long term, such cooperation may also extend beyond Southeast Asia. Japan, Australia, and India have all expressed concerns about China’s actions in the South China Sea and have sought to build stronger security ties with Southeast Asian nations. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which includes the U.S., Japan, India, and Australia, has also become more vocal on issues related to freedom of navigation and the rule of law in the South China Sea.

Conclusion

The deepening defense ties between Vietnam and the Philippines represent a significant development in the ongoing geopolitical struggle over the South China Sea. While still largely symbolic, this move reflects the growing recognition among Southeast Asian nations that they must work together to counter China’s assertiveness in the region. Whether this will lead to more substantive military cooperation remains to be seen, but it is clear that both nations are seeking to strengthen their positions amid rising tensions.

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China’s strategy of dividing ASEAN and dealing with claimant states on a bilateral basis has been effective thus far, but the increasing cooperation between Vietnam and the Philippines could signal the emergence of new regional dynamics. With the U.S. continuing to back the Philippines and Vietnam seeking to build stronger defense partnerships, the future of the South China Sea dispute remains uncertain. However, what is clear is that the stakes are higher than ever, and the actions of regional powers in the coming years will shape the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Asia for decades to come.

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Analysis

How Lumbia Air Base in Cagayan de Oro is Important for the Philippines?

How Lumbia Air Base in Cagayan de Oro is Important for the Philippines?

In the heart of Northern Mindanao, where strategic interests and regional security converge, lies a key installation often overshadowed by its more famous counterparts—Lumbia Air Base. This seemingly unremarkable airstrip has quietly evolved from its modest beginnings into a crucial hub for military operations in Mindanao. As tensions and conflicts shape the landscape of the region, the significance of Lumbia Air Base becomes increasingly apparent. What makes this base so essential, and how does its history and strategic location contribute to its current role? Let us dive into the story of Lumbia Air Base to uncover its vital role in the ever-changing dynamics of regional security.

A Brief

Even though Lumbia Air Base was first built as a civilian airfield, it has changed significantly over time. It was repurposed to fit military purposes. This change was a component of a larger initiative to expand the Philippine military’s operational reach and capabilities in the area.
Strategically situated in Northern Mindanao, Lumbia Air Base is situated near Cagayan de Oro, Misamis Oriental. This facility’s central location within the Mindanao area makes it essential for coordinating military activities throughout the region. The facility is a vital tool for the Philippine military in preserving regional peace and stability because of its strategic location, which enables it to efficiently support both defensive and logistical operations.

Historical Background

Lumbia Air Base, originally established during the American occupation of the Philippines in the early 1940s, has a storied history. The airfield, initially known as Lumbia Airfield, was constructed to support regional aviation needs. During World War II, it played a significant role in various military operations, and provided crucial logistical support in the region.

After the war, Lumbia underwent extensive reconstruction and modernization. These efforts were aimed at upgrading its facilities and expanding its capabilities. By the late 1950s and early 1960s, the airfield transitioned from its initial civilian role to become a dedicated military air base.

Strategic Importance

As the operational headquarters for the 15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air Force, Lumbia Air Base plays a crucial role in the military landscape of the Philippines. In order to sustain both regional stability and national security, this wing is responsible for providing tactical and ground air support throughout the nation. The presence of the 15th Strike Wing in Lumbia, which is based at the Danilo Atienza Air Base at Sangley Point, Cavite, greatly expands the Philippine Air Force’s operational reach and efficacy.

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The significance of the site is further highlighted by the April 28, 2014, signing of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). By permitting the rotational presence of American troops in “agreed locations” around the Philippines, this agreement was intended to strengthen security cooperation between the United States and the Philippines. Lumbia Air Base was named as one of the principal locations for US military operations under EDCA. This partnership has been strengthened by recent advances, despite some implementation delays and difficulties. The Philippines and the United States expanded the EDCA to encompass more sites in 2023, which is noteworthy since it improved their combined military capability and strategic placement.

Recent cooperative efforts and joint exercises under EDCA have brought the base’s strategic importance to light. For example, the 2024 Balikatan military exercises featured over 16,000 participants from the United States, the Philippines, and allies, demonstrating cutting edge interoperability and training.

Current Operations and Facilities

Lumbia Air Base, a crucial component of the Philippine Air Force (PAF) network, boasts an exceptional runway and airfield capable of supporting a wide array of military activities. Once serving civilian flights until 2013, it now operates solely for military purposes, signifying its strategic significance. Ongoing renovations and expansions of the runway are set to accommodate more aircraft and boost operational capabilities. These improvements align with broader modernization efforts under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the United States, addressing growing regional security demands, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region.

The 15th Strike Wing, stationed at Lumbia Air Base, plays a pivotal role in both regional security and national defense. On May 17, 2024, the Philippine Air Force welcomed the final two of six Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) T-129 ‘Atak’ helicopters, tail numbers 1505 and 1506, at Major Danilo Atienza Air Base in Cavite. This acquisition, part of the Horizon 2 phase of the AFP Modernization Program, stems from a $269 million government-to-government agreement with Turkey.

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Renowned for their versatility in various operational conditions, the T-129 ‘Atak’ helicopters are expected to significantly enhance the air force’s capabilities in urban warfare, aerial reconnaissance, and counter-insurgency operations. These twin-engine helicopters come equipped with advanced fire support technologies, precise weaponry, and state-of-the-art observation and targeting systems. Following technical checks completed upon their arrival in the Philippines on November 29, 2023, the helicopters were officially commissioned in May 2024.

These developments underscore the Philippines’ commitment to bolstering national defense and enhancing interoperability with allied forces. The ongoing infrastructure upgrades at Lumbia Air Base reflect a strategic focus on defending territorial claims and improving defense readiness, particularly in response to rising tensions in the South China Sea and surrounding regions.

Geopolitical Context

The security issues in Mindanao are critical given the geopolitical setting of the Philippines. Insurgency and terrorism continue to pose serious risks to the region. The Marawi Siege in 2017, which witnessed fierce urban combat between militants connected with the Islamic State (IS) and Philippine government troops, is one of the noteworthy instances involving the IS’s increased activity.

As of 2024, the Philippine government continues to place a high priority on counterterrorism and counterinsurgency efforts. The Philippine Armed Forces (AFP) are still carrying out massive operations to break up terrorist networks and put an end to insurgency.

The Philippines has increased its collaboration with both regional and international partners in response to these threats. The country’s counterterrorism and counterinsurgency capabilities have been strengthened thanks in large part to the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the United States. The United States offers training, intelligence sharing, and logistical support, all of which greatly improve the AFP’s operational efficacy.

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The Philippines’ connections and alliances are vital in determining security dynamics in the region. In order to handle cross-border security challenges and improve regional stability, cooperation with ASEAN has been essential. By giving member states a forum to exchange intelligence and coordinate responses to extremist threats, the ASEAN regional framework promotes cooperation on counterterrorism initiatives and disaster relief efforts.

Beyond ASEAN, the Philippines interact with other international allies. The nation’s strategic alliances with countries like the United States, Australia, and Japan reinforce a wider security net that upholds peace and stability in the area.

Future Prospects

The strategic aims and regional aspirations of the Philippines position it for notable gains in both military prowess and infrastructure.

The nation is concentrating on significant infrastructure expansions and upgrades in 2024 as part of a larger economic and security plan. The construction of military facilities and transportation networks are important initiatives that will improve both the defense and civilian infrastructure. It is anticipated that the new $6 billion infrastructure investment plan will improve connectivity and update vital transportation linkages, promoting economic expansion and strategic mobility.

Through the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), the Philippines is looking into possibilities for a larger U.S. military deployment. This entails increasing the number of cooperative training and exercise sessions as well as possibly enhancing the infrastructure to accommodate a greater number of US soldiers. Notably, the expanding strategic alliance between the United States and the Philippines is reflected in the joint drills, which have been expanded to incorporate more difficult scenarios near contentious locations like the South China Sea. Training sessions like the Balikatan drills, which assessed tactical integration and endurance, demonstrate the continuous dedication to enhancing defense capabilities.

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The Philippines’ developing strategic posture is intimately linked to its long-term objectives for maintaining regional stability. The nation seeks to manage its complex relationships with its neighbors, especially China, while enhancing its defense capabilities and regional influence. The Philippines is attempting to strike a balance between its security requirements and diplomatic commitments while tensions in the South China Sea continue. Enhancing defense readiness and taking part in regional security frameworks are part of the strategic aim to guarantee a stable and secure marine environment.

Furthermore, the Philippines is dedicated to maintaining a balance in its relations with its neighbors by participating in multilateral agreements and strategic alliances. The necessity of regional cooperation in accomplishing sustainable development goals and upholding peace is emphasized in the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for 2024–2028. The strategic perspective of the Philippines involves utilizing these global alliances to advance stability and proficiently handle crises within the region.

End Point

Lumbia Air Base exemplifies the Philippines’ strategic approach to increase its defense infrastructure and regional security, with its sophisticated runway and airfield playing a critical role in military operations. The ongoing modernization initiatives, driven by the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the United States, reflect the nation’s commitment to strengthening its defense posture and operational readiness. Looking ahead, the future of Lumbia Air Base and the Philippines’ broader defense strategy will be shaped by evolving regional dynamics and strategic alliances, with a continued emphasis on infrastructure development and enhanced military cooperation with international partners, solidifying the Philippines’ position in the Indo-Pacific region.

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