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Is an Asian NATO like alliance emerging against China?

Is an Asian NATO like alliance emerging against China

A Brief

In the chessboard of global geopolitics, Lee Kuan Yew, the strategic mind behind Singapore’s success, once envisioned China’s careful chess moves. He stressed the need for China to play a patient game, avoiding the mistakes of past powerhouses like Germany and Japan. “Keep your head down, smile, and aim for 40 or 50 years of peace,” he advised. However, China seems to have abandoned this cautious approach with the rise of the Wolf Warrior policy, causing ripples of concern, especially in the turbulent waters of the South China Sea. Now, a buzz is echoing through China’s neighborhood—a talk of crafting a NATO-style alliance to counterbalance China’s assertiveness. Imagine a regional alliance, not unlike NATO, built on mutual defense pacts, joint military exercises, and coordinated diplomatic efforts. It’s a strategic response to the shifting tides, a collective stance against potential threats, and a means to navigate the complex game of territorial disputes while upholding the principles of freedom of navigation. As the pieces move on this geopolitical chessboard, the narrative unfolds with intrigue and anticipation. Let us get into the details of this to understand the complexity involving the territorial disputes and the resulting backlash from the claimant states.

Highlighting the increasing tensions and competing claims in the region

China’s expansive claims in the South China Sea, driven by the potential wealth of untapped oil and natural gas, have ignited tensions with neighboring countries such as Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Territorial disputes, especially regarding resource-rich areas like the Spratly Islands, have intensified since the 1970s. China asserts, based on international law, that foreign military activities in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ) are prohibited. However, the United States contends that under UNCLOS, claimant countries have the right to freedom of navigation in the sea’s EEZ without notifying China of military activities. Despite The Hague’s 2016 ruling favoring the Philippines, China refuses to acknowledge the court’s authority. Satellite imagery reveals extensive Chinese land reclamation efforts, creating and militarizing islands. In response, the U.S. and Japan challenged China’s claims through Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) and support for Southeast Asian partners, emphasizing the importance of a binding code of conduct to ensure freedom of navigation and prevent conflicts that could endanger sea line’s vital for trade and naval movements.

The roots of the South China Sea dispute trace back to the establishment of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982, providing a framework for nations’ rights and responsibilities regarding surrounding waters. However, its vague wording left it ineffective in addressing sovereignty issues in the South and East China Seas. In 1988, China engaged in its first armed conflict over the Spratly archipelago, sinking three Vietnamese ships amid an assertive regional stance. China’s 1992 Law on the Territorial Sea claimed the entire South China Sea based on historical rights. Tensions heightened in 1996 with the Mischief Reef Incident between China and the Philippines. The ASEAN-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in 2002 aimed to ease tensions, but was followed by years of territorial disputes, military agreements, and geopolitical shifts. The renaming of the South China Sea to the West Philippine Sea by the Philippines in 2011 reflected heightened tensions amid broader geopolitical changes, including the U.S. strategic rebalancing of the Asia-Pacific.

In 2013, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s administration marked a significant shift, approving a defense package to strengthen maritime capabilities around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. Japan’s offer of military aid and patrol boats to the Philippine Coast Guard in 2013 signaled a departure from its traditional pacifist foreign policies. The Philippines initiated a UN arbitration case against China in 2013 over sovereignty claims, marking a historic move under UNCLOS.

The signing of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement between the U.S. and the Philippines in 2014 escalated tensions, while 2014 saw Vietnamese and Chinese ships colliding near the Paracel Islands, triggering anti-China protests in Vietnam. A U.S. warship patrolled near Chinese-built islands in the South China Sea in 2015, challenging Beijing’s territorial claims.

In 2016, a landmark ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration favored the Philippines, rejecting China’s expansive “nine-dash line” claim. Diplomatic efforts followed, with President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Abe Shinzo working to improve ties and establish crisis-management mechanisms. Tensions persisted in 2018 when a U.S. destroyer narrowly avoided colliding with a Chinese destroyer near the Spratly Islands. In 2019, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte expressed alarm over Chinese ships near Thitu Island.

Amid the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, China’s assertive claims escalated, exemplified by the establishment of administrative districts in the Paracel and Spratly Islands. Between March 2021 and November 2022, tensions continued to rise, with China deploying ships to the Philippines’ EEZ and accusations of China’s coast guard seizing debris during U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris’s visit.

On December 22, 2022, Indonesia and Vietnam finalized EEZ boundaries, removing a major irritant in bilateral relations. In February 2023, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. welcomed an expanded U.S. military presence, drawing objections from China. The trilateral summit at Camp David in August 2023 condemned China’s behavior, supporting the 2016 ruling. However, on August 28, 2023, China released an updated territorial map, escalating tensions with a new “ten-dash” line, drawing swift protests from ASEAN members, India, Japan, and Taiwan. The complex interplay of historical claims, geopolitical rivalries, and evolving power dynamics underscores the ongoing challenges in the contested waters of the South China Sea.

Potential Members of the Alliance

The prospect of a NATO-style alliance in the South China Sea introduces a dynamic array of potential members, strategically positioned to counterbalance China’s assertiveness. At the forefront, core littoral states, including Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei, form the foundational bloc. Indonesia, the regional giant, demonstrated its resolve in 2023 by sinking a Chinese fishing vessel encroaching on its exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Vietnam, engaged in tense standoffs with China over Vanguard Reef, has a vested interest in regional security, as evidenced by over 500 ship incursions in 2023. The Philippines, amid escalating tensions over the Spratly Islands, filed a landmark arbitration case against China. Smaller players, Malaysia and Brunei, share overlapping claims, with Malaysia recently intercepting Chinese coast guard vessels.

Major regional powers such as Japan, with the historical wariness of China, possess a powerful navy and share concerns about Chinese activities near the Senkaku Islands. South Korea, cautious not to antagonize China, hinted at a potential shift by joining joint naval exercises with the Philippines. Australia, a staunch US ally, views the South China Sea as crucial to its security and has participated in freedom of navigation operations (FONOPs).

Extra-regional stakeholders contribute significant weight, with the United States as a key player conducting regular FONOPs and backing allies. India, a rising regional power, demonstrated engagement through joint naval exercises with the Philippines. The European Union, expressing concerns about China’s assertiveness, lends diplomatic support to maintain a rules-based order at sea. While speculative, this diverse coalition, spanning regional powers and extra-regional stakeholders, could foster a united front, ensuring maritime security, safeguarding freedom of navigation, and upholding international law in the critical South China Sea region.

Geopolitical Landscape of the South China Sea

The South China Sea emerges as a pivotal theater in a multifaceted geopolitical struggle involving several nations, prominently China, as they vie for control over islands, reefs, and surrounding waters. Against this backdrop, the idea of forging a NATO-styled alliance among like-minded nations gains prominence, aimed at addressing shared concerns, upholding international law, and countering China’s assertive actions.

The potential alliance would revolve around nations with strategic interests in the South China Sea, such as the U.S., Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Southeast Asian partners. The primary objectives of this coalition could be to ensure freedom of navigation, deter aggression, and promote stability in the region. Similar to NATO’s collective defense mechanisms, joint military exercises, and a unified front would be crucial elements in navigating the complexities of the South China Sea dispute.

The territorial disputes, involving nations like Vietnam and the Philippines, become focal points for alliance members committed to upholding a rules-based international order. The 2016 South China Sea Arbitration Case, which ruled against China’s historical claims, could serve as a unifying principle for the alliance, aligning with the broader goal of promoting adherence to international law.

The alliance could also echo the U.S. official stance of neutrality in the South China Sea dispute but emphasize strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly freedom of navigation.

Crucially, the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) could serve as a foundational framework for the alliance, defining terms and rights related to the dispute. While the U.S. has not ratified UNCLOS, considering it part of customary international law, the alliance members can collectively advocate for its principles and guidelines.

Map of the South China Sea with disputed territories

The territorial claims in the South China Sea are visually represented through a myriad of maps and images, each reflecting the perspectives of the nations involved. China, notably the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan asserts its expansive territorial reach through the controversial new ten-dash Line, a contentious demarcation that encircles a significant portion of the South China Sea. This claim is visualized in maps provided by both the PRC and Taiwan, illustrating their differing views on the extent of their maritime territories.

The transformation of the South China Sea is evident in visual representations that capture the before-and-after scenarios, showcasing the development of military installations in the Spratly Islands by China in 2015. Additionally, images and analyses of Chinese building projects in the region offer insights into the evolving dynamics of the disputed area. The disputes extend to Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) claims and hydrocarbon resources, with maps delineating these overlapping claims and the locations of exploration blocks offshore Vietnam.

Interactive resources, such as the Spratly Islands Gazetteer and Joint Seismic Survey Area maps, provide detailed geographical information, aiding in a comprehensive understanding of the complex territorial landscape. The South China Sea tables and maps, compiled by organizations like the US Energy Information Administration (EIA) and National Geographic Society (NGS), contribute further insights into maritime claims, resource distribution, and geopolitical nuances in the region.

Sovereignty claims and agreements, as documented by the US Department of Defense in 2012, shed light on the intricate web of territorial disputes. The conflicting claims over the Spratly Islands are detailed, and Taiwan’s specific stance is elucidated through postal stamp images.

These diverse visual resources collectively contribute to an understanding of the territorial landscape complexities of the South China Sea disputes.

Key claimants: China, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Taiwan, and Indonesia

Territorial disputes in the South China Sea involve conflicting claims by multiple sovereign states, including the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan, Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam. These disputes encompass various features like the Spratly Islands, Paracel Islands, and Scarborough Shoal, and extends to the waters near the Indonesian Natuna Islands.

Resources and strategic importance of the region

The region’s strategic importance is underscored by approximately US$3.37 trillion worth of global trade passing through it annually, constituting a third of the world’s maritime trade. China’s extensive energy imports and trade heavily rely on these waters. The claimant states vie for rights to fishing stocks, exploration of oil and gas reserves, and control over critical shipping lanes. Recent developments, like China’s island-building activities and the 2016 UN tribunal ruling against its maritime claims, further heighten tensions.

Existing Security Structures

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its role in the region

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), established in 1967 and comprising 10 member states, including Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam, plays a distinctive and vital role in conflict resolution within the Southeast Asian region. Operating on the principles of cooperative security and non-confrontational approaches, ASEAN employs preventive diplomacy through dialogue and engagement, both at official levels and through Track II dialogues involving non-governmental actors. The organization’s commitment to consensus building ensures that decisions are reached through unanimous agreement, providing a platform for peaceful dispute resolution. ASEAN has established normative frameworks like the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) and the ASEAN Charter, emphasizing peaceful settlements, non-interference, and regional cooperation. Acting as a neutral facilitator, ASEAN provides platforms for dialogue and mediation in conflicts such as the Rohingya refugee crisis and the South China Sea disputes. However, the consensus-based decision-making process, the non-interference principle, power dynamics among member states, and the influence of external actors present challenges to ASEAN’s conflict resolution efforts.

The South China Sea Code of Conduct negotiations

The ongoing South China Sea Code of Conduct (CoC) negotiations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China mark a crucial diplomatic endeavor to address the complex issues surrounding the disputed waters. The region, vital for its strategic importance and rich resources, has experienced heightened tensions due to China’s assertive actions. The objectives of the CoC include preventing armed conflict, ensuring freedom of navigation, managing resource extraction sustainably, and upholding international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Initiated in 2002 with the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC), the negotiations for a legally binding CoC have faced challenges such as China’s reluctance to include sensitive issues and varying interpretations of international law among ASEAN states. While recent guidelines aim to expedite the process, significant progress on core issues remains at a standstill.

 Limitations of existing mechanisms

The South China Sea’s complex geopolitical landscape underscores the limitations of existing mechanisms, primarily within ASEAN and the South China Sea Code of Conduct (CoC). ASEAN’s consensus-based decision-making, non-interference principle, and lack of enforcement power pose challenges in addressing the assertive actions of external actors like China. The CoC negotiations, marked by slow progress and potential enforcement ambiguity, further accentuate the need for alternative approaches. The potential appeal of a NATO-style alliance in the South China Sea emerges as a strategic consideration. Such an alliance could serve as a deterrent against Chinese expansionism, ensuring collective resistance and upholding international law. However, the concept faces substantial hurdles, including possible Chinese retaliation, divergent member interests, and domestic political considerations. Striking a balance between deterrence and cooperation, exploring complementary approaches, and acknowledging the alliance as a hypothetical concept are crucial for navigating the complex dynamics in the region and devising effective strategies for regional security.

The rationale for a South China Sea Alliance

In the contested waters of the South China Sea, a prospective NATO-style alliance is gaining momentum, driven by escalating concerns over China’s audacious territorial claims and actions. The rationale for such an alliance is multi-faceted, encompassing deterrence, safeguarding freedom of navigation, environmental protection, and upholding international law. China’s assertive behavior, marked by extensive island-building and militarization, has triggered anxieties, prompting the need for a collective response. The alliance aims to serve as a deterrent force against China’s expansionist endeavors, sending a strong message that unilateral actions will face resistance. Moreover, it seeks to ensure the unimpeded flow of global trade, valued at over $3 trillion annually, through the vital maritime routes of the South China Sea. The environmental dimension emphasizes the alliance’s role in shielding the region’s diverse marine ecosystems from unsustainable practices linked to China’s actions. Finally, by upholding international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the alliance aims to challenge China’s dismissive stance, reinforcing the principles of a rules-based international order. As former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton aptly stated, “The South China Sea is not China’s lake.” While challenges persist, understanding the compelling reasons behind the envisioned South China Sea alliance is crucial for navigating the complex geopolitics of this strategic region. While Secretary Blinken has addressed the South China Sea issue in the following words, “China’s disregard for UNCLOS and the rights of its coastal neighbors weakens the foundation of that order, and weakens the foundation of stability and prosperity in the region.”

Structure and Mechanisms of the Alliance

In the prospective formation of a NATO-style alliance in the South China Sea, the structure and mechanisms are pivotal elements for ensuring regional security and countering Chinese expansionism. At its core, a collective defense pact akin to NATO’s Article 5 would provide a solid foundation, offering a deterrent against aggression and emphasizing mutual military assistance among member states. This has proven effective in alliances like NATO, where an attack on one member is considered an attack on all. Joint military exercises and patrols would further underscore the alliance’s capabilities, fostering interoperability and showcasing a commitment to upholding freedom of navigation. Recent examples, such as joint naval exercises between Japan and the Philippines, highlight the potential for enhanced regional cooperation. Intelligence sharing and cybersecurity cooperation are essential components for staying ahead of emerging threats. Collaborative efforts, similar to the intelligence-sharing alliance Five Eyes, can provide valuable insights into China’s military activities and cyber capabilities. Diplomatic and economic coordination would amplify the alliance’s influence on the international stage, pressuring China to align with established norms. Drawing parallels with the European Union’s coordinated response to geopolitical challenges, this approach demonstrates the potential efficacy of unified diplomatic and economic measures. It is crucial to recognize that these are hypothetical features, and the final framework would require intricate negotiations, considering evolving regional dynamics. The success of such an alliance would hinge on maintaining a delicate balance between deterrence and dialogue, ensuring stability while allowing for constructive engagement with China.

Challenges and Obstacles

The challenges facing a potential South China Sea alliance are formidable, reflecting the complex geopolitical landscape of the region. Chinese opposition and the risk of retaliation are underscored by historical instances, such as China suspending military ties with Australia in response to perceived provocations. Differing interests and priorities among member states, exemplified by Vietnam’s assertive stance compared to Indonesia’s more conciliatory approach, highlight potential internal divisions. Domestic political considerations, particularly in nations with close trade relations with China, may lead to public resistance against joining an alliance, as seen in some Southeast Asian countries. Balancing deterrence with cooperation, akin to challenges faced by NATO in its relationship with Russia, emphasizes the delicate diplomatic tightrope that such an alliance must navigate. These challenges are not mere theoretical hurdles but real complexities that demand careful consideration for the successful establishment and sustained operation of a South China Sea alliance.


In weighing the anchor of a potential NATO-style alliance in the South China Sea, the fog of uncertainties surrounding its feasibility and impact looms large. The hurdles are formidable, with Chinese opposition, divergent member state interests, and domestic political considerations creating a challenging backdrop for its formation. However, amidst these challenges, a glimmer of hope emerges from the growing regional concerns about China’s actions and the strategic interest of the United States in the region, which might create conditions conducive to negotiations. The potential impact of such an alliance on deterring China from unilateral actions and upholding a rules-based order is substantial. Yet, the risks of escalation due to miscalculations or perceived encirclement by China underscore the delicate nature of regional dynamics. Exploring alternative and complementary approaches, such as empowering ASEAN, implementing confidence-building measures, and utilizing multilateral forums, could offer a more sustainable and nuanced path.

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Why Marcos South China Sea Policy is better than Duterte?

Why Marcos South China Sea Policy is better than Duterte?

The geopolitical landscape of Southeast Asia is characterized by a complex interplay of national interests, historical tensions, and the strategic maneuverings of global powers. In this scenario, the South China Sea stands out as a particularly contentious region, with overlapping territorial claims and significant economic and security implications. As regional dynamics evolve, so too do the foreign policies of the countries involved. In this context, the Philippines has seen a marked shift in its approach from the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte to that of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. While Duterte’s tenure was noted for its conciliatory stance towards China, Marcos Jr. has adopted a more assertive policy, aligning more closely with the United States and emphasizing the defense of Philippine sovereignty. This shift reflects broader strategic calculations in response to China’s growing assertiveness and the need for stronger defense capabilities. The contrast between the two administrations provides a compelling case study in how nations balance between cooperation and confrontation in pursuit of their national interests.

Background: Duterte’s Approach

As the successor to President Aquino III, President Duterte adopted a markedly more cooperative stance toward China, seeking to avoid conflict over maritime sovereignty. Despite the 2016 Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) ruling largely favoring the Philippines, Duterte refrained from pursuing these convictions aggressively. Instead, he implemented pragmatic strategies rooted in Realpolitik and Rational Choice, shifting Philippine foreign policy from confrontation to a more nuanced approach. He preferred bilateral discussions over multilateral forums and supported China’s Belt and Road Initiative, aligning with his “Back to Domestic; Build, Build, and Build” campaign slogan focused on economic development and infrastructure. Duterte’s inward-looking strategy relied heavily on Chinese economic incentives to enhance the Philippines’ prosperity. This recalibrated foreign policy aimed for mutual benefits: China restrained the Philippines from assertively acting on the PCA ruling, while the Philippines gained economic and political advantages from Chinese infrastructure investments. Duterte’s approach strained the long-standing US-Philippines relationship, reflecting his vision for a multipolar world order and a distinct regional identity. This independent foreign policy garnered global attention and criticism, revealing the complex trade-offs and uncertainties involved. Consequently, the Philippines’ stance on SCS maritime and territorial claims softened under Duterte’s leadership.

Marcos Jr.’ Policy Shift

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has notably shifted Manila closer to the United States, diverging sharply from the path of his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte. Marcos appears to be the first Southeast Asian leader to decisively choose between the United States and China. Given the Philippines’ precarious position in the South China Sea and China’s growing regional dominance, Marcos Jr. may have concluded that maintaining a balance is no longer feasible and that, in the event of conflict, unwavering support from Washington is essential. The rising harassment of Philippine boats and marines stationed on the disputed Second Thomas Shoal by China has severely infuriated Marcos Jr., with incidents increasing recently.

In response to these challenges in the West Philippine Sea, President Marcos Jr. reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to maintaining Philippine sovereignty and defending its territory. At the 21st International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, he declared, “We will never allow anyone to detach it from the totality of the maritime domain that renders our nation whole.” Marcos emphasized that he has vowed to uphold this grave responsibility since his first day in office, stating, “I’m not going to give up. Filipinos are unyielding.” He reiterated that the government would make every effort to safeguard the Philippines’ territorial integrity in accordance with the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2016 Arbitral Award. “International law, not our imagination, is the source of the boundaries we draw on our waters,” he asserted.

Marcos highlighted that the Philippines defines its boundaries based on international law, not “baseless claims.” He outlined the country’s intentions to improve its defense capabilities and strengthen its ties with foreign nations during his keynote speech at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue. He emphasized that the Philippines would enhance its ability to safeguard its interests in both the global commons and its maritime domain as part of the Comprehensive Archipelagic Defense Concept. “We will strengthen our ability to safeguard our interests in the global commons and in our own maritime domain as we work to preserve the rule of law in international affairs,” Marcos declared.

He stressed that diplomacy would continue to be a key component of building the Philippines’ defense capabilities. President Marcos also reaffirmed that ASEAN Centrality would remain a fundamental component of the country’s foreign policy. He noted that the Philippines would strengthen strategic alliances with Australia, Japan, and Vietnam, in addition to its relationship with the United States. The country would also seek closer ties with partners like the Republic of Korea and India. Marcos pointed out that cooperative efforts involving a small number of governments with common interests could “build into pillars that support the architecture of regional stability.” He mentioned pursuing trilateral cooperation in the Celebes Sea with Indonesia and Malaysia and expanding collaboration in the exclusive economic zone with Australia, Japan, and the United States.

Over the past year, the Philippines’ 200-mile exclusive economic zone has been repeatedly targeted by China’s coast guard and allied fishing vessels, further straining relations between the two countries. Marcos stated that he has been in communication with “friends in the international community” and has met with his defense and security officers to ensure peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. “They have offered to help us with what the Philippines requires to protect and secure our sovereignty, sovereign rights, and jurisdiction,” he said.

The deterioration of ties with China coincides with Marcos’s efforts to strengthen defense ties with the US. Beijing is displeased with his expanded US access to military sites in the Philippines and the inclusion of joint exercises involving air and sea patrols over the South China Sea. The US-Philippines treaty obliges both nations to defend one another in the event of an attack, covering coastguard, civilian, and military vessels in the South China Sea.

Key Actions Under Marcos Jr.

Marcos Jr. emphasized Manila’s right to utilize South China Sea energy resources without first engaging China in a statement released on December 1, 2022. He vowed to “fight” for the rights that belong to his country. Given that the Philippines depend largely on imported fuel, his comments highlighted the urgency of exploring for oil and gas in the strategically significant sea. In the face of a more divided Southeast Asia, Marcos Jr. has resorted to striking a balance between his relations with China and the United States. However, sustaining strategic ambiguity is becoming more and more of a difficult balancing act every day. Beijing is applying more and more pressure. Chinese rocket debris was taken by force from the Philippine Navy in November by the Chinese coast guard.

In order to restart the nation’s slow economic growth, the new president desperately had to acquire investments amidst a severe financial crisis made worse by the pandemic. Beijing might be a trustworthy source, but Chinese investments and the sovereignty risks they pose are touchy political subjects. Protests by the general public against Chinese influence are not unusual in the Philippines, and they may pose a threat to the legitimacy of Marcos Jr.’s administration.

Asia’s strictest foreign investment regulations, found in the Philippines, limit foreign ownership in numerous areas to 40%. This restriction complicates potential agreements on oil and gas exploration in the South China Sea, even if the Philippines and China were to reach an understanding. Although both nations have shown interest in collaborating with non-governmental organizations for joint exploration, disputed claims have prevented Manila’s PXP Energy Corp, which holds exploration permits in the contested Reed Bank, from finalizing a mutually beneficial deal with China’s National Offshore Oil Corp.

The situation is further complicated by increased U.S. engagement with the Philippines. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. allowed U.S. forces access to four additional Philippine military facilities, raising the total to nine. Under the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), U.S. troops are permitted to rotate indefinitely for joint training, equipment prepositioning, and infrastructure development, including runways, fuel storage, and military housing. This move aligns with the Biden administration’s strategy of strengthening a regional security network to counter China, as well as with Philippines efforts to enhance its external defense, particularly in the South China Sea.

China reacted strongly to this development, particularly since two of the new U.S. locations are near Taiwan and southern China. Beijing accused the Philippines of providing staging areas for U.S. military operations, thereby compromising Chinese security. In response, Marcos stated that his administration has no plans to grant the U.S. access to additional military bases. He emphasized that China’s aggressive actions in the disputed South China Sea initially prompted the U.S. military presence in several Philippine camps and locations. At a press conference with foreign correspondents in Manila, Marcos clarified, “The Philippines has no plans to create any more bases or give access to any more bases.”

When questioned about whether the presence of U.S. forces had provoked Chinese actions in the South China Sea, Marcos maintained that American troops were there in response to China’s actions. He cited incidents where Chinese coast guard ships used water cannons and lasers to block Philippine vessels. “These are reactions to what has happened in the South China Sea, to the aggressive actions that we have had to deal with,” he stated. China, on the other hand, blamed the Philippines for instigating conflicts by intruding into its territorial seas and violating an alleged agreement to remove an old Philippine navy vessel stationed at the disputed Second Thomas Shoal. Marcos denied knowledge of any such agreement and declared it void if it ever existed.

Marcos emphasized that the Philippines must take more concrete actions beyond lodging protests concerning incidents in the South China Sea. He referred to a recent event where the Chinese coast guard blocked a routine troop supply run to the Second Thomas Shoal, resulting in a serious injury to a Philippine sailor. While Marcos condemned this as an illegal action, he noted that it did not constitute an armed attack. Despite filing numerous protests, he stressed the need for more substantial measures.

End Note

The contrast between the South China Sea policies of Duterte and Marcos Jr. signify the evolving nature of the Philippines’ approach to maritime sovereignty and international diplomacy. Duterte’s strategy prioritized economic gains through cooperation with China, often at the cost of territorial assertiveness and strained traditional alliances. In contrast, Marcos Jr.’s policy shift reflects a robust defense of Philippine sovereignty, reinforced by stronger ties with the United States and other regional allies. This strategic realignment addresses the immediate challenges posed by China’s assertiveness while positioning the Philippines as a proactive player in maintaining regional stability and upholding international law. As the geopolitical landscape continues to shift, the Marcos administration’s balanced yet assertive stance may provide a more sustainable and secure path for the Philippines in the contentious waters of the South China Sea.

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Philippines Air Force Joins Multi-Nation War Games in Australia to Counter China

Philippines Air Force Joins Multi-Nation War Games in Australia to Counter China

In an unprecedented move, the Philippines Air Force has embarked on its first overseas deployment in over six decades. This historic event sees the Philippines joining forces with U.S. and Australian fighter jets for combat practice in northern Australia amidst escalating tensions with China in the South China Sea. This strategic maneuver underscores the Philippines’ commitment to enhancing its defense capabilities and strengthening alliances in response to regional security challenges.

The Pitch Black War Games

The Pitch Black war games, a significant international air combat training activity, took place in Australia’s sparsely populated Northern Territory from July 12 to August 2, 2024. This large-scale exercise included four Philippine FA-50 fighter jets and 162 personnel among approximately 140 aircraft and over 4,000 personnel from 20 nations.

This year’s iteration was the largest in the exercise’s 43-year history, exposing participants to complex scenarios utilizing advanced aircraft and battlespace systems. Aircraft and personnel from the Philippines, Spain, Italy, Papua New Guinea, and embedded personnel from Fiji and Brunei participated for the first time, joining aircraft from countries such as France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, Singapore, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States, and embedded personnel from Canada and New Zealand.

Aircraft operated primarily from RAAF bases in Darwin and Tindal in the Northern Territory, with additional tanker and transport aircraft at RAAF Base Amberley in Queensland. Exercise Pitch Black is Australia’s premier activity for international engagement, held every two years to build stronger ties with like-minded nations.

A Historic Milestone

This deployment marks a significant moment in the history of the Philippines Air Force, as the first time since 1963 that it has taken combat aircraft abroad. On July 10, 2024, four FA-50s and 162 personnel from the Philippine Air Force arrived at RAAF Base in Darwin, marking the first-ever deployment of the country’s fighter jets for drills outside the Philippines.

Royal Australian Air Force Air Commodore Pete Robinson expressed his honor at Australia being chosen for this significant deployment, highlighting the historic nature of the event. The decision to deploy four FA-50s instead of the initially planned six was made to retain more aircraft in the Philippines for domestic operational requirements.

The deployment of the FA-50s to the Pitch Black war games demonstrates the Philippines’ commitment to engaging in multinational military cooperation and improving its own defense capabilities. The FA-50s, which are light combat aircraft, are well-suited for training exercises that involve both air-to-air and air-to-ground combat scenarios. By participating in these exercises, the Philippines Air Force can gain valuable experience and insights into modern combat tactics and technologies.

Enhancing Capabilities

The vast airspace of the Northern Territory provides an ideal environment for enhancing a wide range of capabilities, focusing on the tactical execution of large force employment and offensive counter air and land operations in a multinational coalition environment. The war games involve not only dog fighting but also the use of advanced radar and missile systems for long-range engagements.

Philippine fighter jets worked alongside advanced aircraft such as the F-35A Lightning II, EA-18G Growler, and Su-30MKI Flanker, tackling complex problems against simulated adversaries and ground threats. This includes air-to-air refueling, reconnaissance, and airlift operations, enhancing the capabilities of all participating forces to operate together, improve readiness, and strengthen regional partnerships.

The FA-50s’ participation in these exercises allows the Philippine pilots to train in an environment that mimics real combat conditions. This exposure is crucial for building confidence and proficiency in handling advanced aircraft and executing complex missions. The experience gained from these exercises will be invaluable in guiding the Philippines’ ongoing military modernization efforts.

A United Front

The U.S. F-22 stealth fighter and Australia’s F-35A and F-18 are among the combat aircraft taking part in these war games. The U.S. sent F-22 jets from the 15th Wing based at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam, Hawaii, to train alongside Australia’s F-35A jets, improving interoperability between their armed forces.

Fast-jet pilots from the U.S. Marine Corps conducted training in offensive counter air, defensive counter air, suppression of enemy air defenses, and strike mission sets during the day and night, demonstrating the depth of interoperability between the two nations.

The collaborative efforts in the Pitch Black war games highlight the importance of interoperability and joint operations among allied forces. By training together, these forces can develop a better understanding of each other’s tactics, procedures, and capabilities. This level of cooperation is essential for effective multinational operations, especially in complex and dynamic combat environments.

The participation of the Philippines in this multinational exercise not only enhances its own defense capabilities but also strengthens its ties with key allies. The ability to operate seamlessly with U.S. and Australian forces is a strategic advantage for the Philippines, particularly in the context of regional security challenges.

The South China Sea Dispute

The South China Sea dispute between the Philippines and China has been a source of tension for many years. The crux of the dispute lies in overlapping territorial claims over the South China Sea, a strategic and resource-rich waterway. China’s extensive claims have led to several direct confrontations, including a clash at the Second Thomas Shoal on June 17, 2024, causing injuries to Filipino navy personnel and damage to military boats.

The encounters between the two nations have grown increasingly tense as Beijing continues to assert its claims to shoals in waters that Manila insists are within its exclusive economic zone. Despite these tensions, both sides have affirmed their commitment to deescalate tensions without prejudice to their respective positions. However, the geopolitical landscape in the South China Sea remains complex and fluid, posing significant challenges to regional stability and international law.

China’s aggressive actions in the South China Sea, such as the construction of artificial islands and the deployment of military assets, have heightened tensions with neighboring countries, including the Philippines. The strategic importance of the South China Sea, which serves as a major shipping route and is believed to contain significant oil and gas reserves, makes it a focal point of regional and global interest.

China’s Reaction

China’s reaction to the Pitch Black war games was significant. Following the announcement of the exercise, China launched drills in the Taiwan Strait in response to what it perceived as “separatist acts.” These drills involved heavily armed warplanes and staged mock attacks, demonstrating China’s ability to control the seas and prevent foreign involvement.

China’s military maneuvers are a clear signal of its willingness to assert its territorial claims and counter any perceived threats to its interests. The timing of these drills, just days after the announcement of the Pitch Black war games, underscores the geopolitical tensions in the region. China’s actions reflect its broader strategy of demonstrating military strength and deterring foreign intervention in what it considers its sphere of influence.

The Philippines’ participation in the Pitch Black war games can be seen as a response to China’s assertiveness. By strengthening its defense capabilities and engaging in multinational exercises, the Philippines is signaling its determination to protect its territorial integrity and uphold international law. This strategic approach aims to deter potential aggression and contribute to regional stability.

The Philippines’ Defense Strategy

Despite having a mutual defense treaty with the United States, the Philippines is increasingly looking to its own air force and navy as the first line of defense. This shift in strategy is in response to the perceived threat from China, with Manila making concerted efforts to bolster its defense capability.

The Philippines’ defense strategy includes preserving holdings in the disputed sea, deterring coercive actions against Philippine vessels and citizens, and compelling Chinese recognition of and compliance with the 2016 South China Sea Arbitration Award. This multifaceted approach involves strengthening the country’s military capabilities, enhancing regional alliances, and leveraging international legal mechanisms to protect its interests.

In addition to strengthening its military capabilities, the Philippines is forging stronger defense ties with other countries. For instance, the Philippines and Japan recently signed a crucial military agreement permitting the deployment of their forces on each other’s soil, bolstering defense ties between Tokyo and Manila. This agreement, known as the Reciprocal Access Agreement, enhances interoperability and facilitates joint training and exercises, contributing to regional security.

The Philippines’ defense strategy also involves increasing investments in military modernization. The ongoing modernization program aims to equip the Armed Forces of the Philippines with advanced hardware and capabilities to address a wide range of security threats. This includes the acquisition of multirole fighter jets, radars, missile systems, frigates, helicopters, and submarines.

Modernization of the Military

The Armed Forces of the Philippines has embarked on a 15-year modernization program that started in 2012 and will continue through 2027. This program, also known as the Revised Armed Forces Modernization Act, aims to strengthen the AFP’s capability to address counterterrorism and internal threats.

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. recently approved a significant military procurement plan, estimated at around $35 billion over the next ten years. This includes acquiring multirole fighter jets, radars, frigates, missile systems, helicopters, and the country’s first submarine fleet.

The modernization program is divided into three phases: Horizon 1 (2013-2017), Horizon 2 (2018-2022), and Horizon 3 (2023-2027). Each phase focuses on different aspects of capability development, with Horizon 3 emphasizing the acquisition of advanced systems and platforms to enhance the country’s defense posture.

Key elements of the modernization program include:

Multirole Fighter Jets: The acquisition of multirole fighter jets, such as the FA-50s, enhances the Philippines’ air defense and strike capabilities.

Frigates and Corvettes: The procurement of additional Jose Rizal-class frigates and missile corvettes improves the country’s naval capabilities, enabling it to protect its maritime interests and conduct various naval operations.

Missile Systems: The acquisition of missile systems, including

surface-to-air and anti-ship missiles, enhances the country’s deterrence and defensive capabilities.

Submarine Fleet: The development of a submarine fleet provides the Philippines with a strategic asset for underwater defense and deterrence.

Regional Defense Relationships

The Philippines is actively seeking to establish more regional defense relationships. Recent defense agreements with Australia and Japan indicate a commitment to enhancing interoperability and strengthening defense ties. These agreements contribute to the Philippines’ defense strategy by enhancing its ability to respond to various security threats.

The agreement with Australia, known as the Status of Visiting Forces Agreement (SOVFA), facilitates the rotation of Australian forces in the Philippines and vice versa. This agreement enhances joint training, interoperability, and capacity-building initiatives, strengthening the defense ties between the two countries.

Similarly, the Reciprocal Access Agreement with Japan allows for closer defense cooperation, joint exercises, and logistical support. This agreement reflects the growing strategic partnership between Japan and the Philippines, driven by shared concerns over regional security and the need to uphold international norms.

The Philippines is also engaging in defense cooperation with other countries in the region, such as South Korea, India, and Vietnam. These partnerships involve joint training exercises, defense dialogues, and capacity-building initiatives, contributing to the overall security architecture of the region.

Implications and Future Developments

The Philippines’ participation in the Pitch Black war games is a significant development in its defense strategy, signaling its commitment to enhancing operational readiness and capabilities. This move also underscores the Philippines’ willingness to collaborate with other nations in maintaining regional security.

By participating in these war games, the Philippines is sending a strong message to other countries in the region, including China. This could potentially deter aggressive actions in the South China Sea and contribute to regional peace and stability. However, it could also escalate tensions, highlighting the need for careful management to prevent conflict.

The experience gained from these exercises will be invaluable in guiding the Philippines’ ongoing military modernization efforts. As tensions continue to rise in the South China Sea, the country is demonstrating its commitment to enhancing its defense capabilities and ensuring preparedness for any eventualities.

The Philippines’ strategic approach involves strengthening its military capabilities, enhancing regional alliances, and leveraging international legal mechanisms to protect its interests. By doing so, the Philippines aims to deter potential aggression, uphold international law, and contribute to regional stability.

The future of the South China Sea dispute remains uncertain, with ongoing geopolitical tensions and competing territorial claims. However, the Philippines’ proactive stance and commitment to defense modernization signal its determination to navigate these challenges and safeguard its sovereignty.

In essence, the Philippines’ participation in the Pitch Black war games is a historic milestone that reflects its evolving defense strategy and commitment to regional security. By enhancing its capabilities and strengthening its alliances, the Philippines is positioning itself as a key player in maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea and beyond.

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Philippines Accuses Chinese Ships of Blocking Medical Evacuation

Philippines Accuses Chinese Ships of Blocking Medical Evacuation

I. Introduction

The South China Sea has been a hotbed of territorial disputes for years, with several countries including China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei claiming overlapping parts of the maritime region. The area is rich in natural resources and is a vital commercial waterway, making it a strategic point of contention. One such disputed area is the Second Thomas Shoal, known as Ayungin Shoal in the Philippines and Renai Reef in China. The shoal is within the 200-nautical mile (370km) exclusive economic zone of the Philippines but is also claimed by China.

II. Details of the Incident

On July 10, 2024, the Philippines accused Chinese vessels of trying to block the evacuation of a sick soldier from an “illegally grounded warship” at Second Thomas Shoal. The Philippine Navy stated that the patient was taken from the BRP Sierra Madre, a rusting vessel that was run aground at Second Thomas Shoal 25 years ago, to Camp Ricarte Station Hospital in Puerto Princesa, Palawan. The Philippine coastguard claimed it had “faced numerous obstructing and delaying manoeuvres” by its Chinese counterpart but “remained steadfast”. This incident marked another escalation in the ongoing territorial dispute between the two nations.

III. Philippine Government’s Response

The Philippine government has strongly condemned the alleged actions of the Chinese vessels. The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) lodged a diplomatic protest against China, calling the incident a “blatant infringement of Philippine sovereignty”. The incident has also stirred up nationalist sentiments among the Philippine public, putting pressure on the government to take a tougher stance against China.

IV. China’s Reaction

China rebuked the Philippines, accusing it of “deliberately misleading” the international community. In a statement, the China Coast Guard said it had allowed the Philippines to evacuate the ill person under “humanitarian considerations” and had “monitored and verified” their actions in accordance with the law. Chinese coastguard spokesman Gan Yu stated that the “relevant Philippine parties ignored the facts, maliciously hyped up [accusations], and deliberately misled international cognition”. He affirmed that China had “indisputable sovereignty” over the Nansha Islands, also known as the Spratly Islands, including Renai Reef and its surrounding waters.

V. International Reactions

The escalating tensions between China and the Philippines have drawn international attention and elicited responses from various leaders and experts. Collin Koh, a maritime affairs expert at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, suggests that a second legal defeat for China in the international court would not reflect well on China’s reputation. He believes that the seven years since the last international ruling is a long time, and a new case building on the previous one would inject renewed vigor into global scrutiny of China’s actions in the South China Sea.

US President Joe Biden has warned China that the US will defend the Philippines in case of any attack in the disputed South China Sea. This reiteration of the US’s “ironclad” defense commitment to the Philippines underscores the geopolitical implications of the dispute.

VI. Historical Context

The South China Sea dispute is not a recent development but has deep historical roots. The region has been a point of contention for centuries, with various Southeast Asian nations asserting their claims over different parts of the sea. The modern dispute, however, can be traced back to the 20th century when several nations began to assert their sovereignty over the islands and reefs in the South China Sea.

The Second Thomas Shoal, in particular, has been a flashpoint in the dispute. The Philippines grounded the BRP Sierra Madre, a rusting naval vessel, on the shoal in 1999 to reinforce its claim. China, however, views this as an illegal occupation and has maintained a constant maritime presence around the shoal.

In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled in favor of the Philippines in a case against China’s claims in the South China Sea. The court declared China’s “nine-dash line” claim, which covers nearly the entire South China Sea, as having no legal basis. However, China rejected the ruling, and the decision did not lead to a significant change in the status quo.

VII. Analysis

The ongoing dispute between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea has significant geopolitical implications. For China, asserting its claims in the South China Sea is a matter of national pride and a demonstration of its growing global power. It is also strategically important due to the sea’s rich natural resources and its importance as a commercial waterway.

For the Philippines, the dispute is about protecting its territorial integrity and its rights to exploit the resources within its exclusive economic zone. The recent incident could further strain Philippines-China relations and push the Philippines to seek stronger security ties with other countries, particularly the United States.

The involvement of international leaders and organizations like the US, ASEAN, and Japan further complicates the issue. The US, in particular, has been vocal in its support for the Philippines and its opposition to China’s assertive actions in the South China Sea. This could potentially escalate tensions between the US and China, two of the world’s superpowers.

VIII. Conclusion

The South China Sea dispute continues to be a complex issue involving territorial claims, national pride, and international law. The recent incident involving the Philippines and China is just the latest in a series of escalating tensions in the region.

As tensions escalate, it is crucial for all parties involved to engage in peaceful dialogue and negotiations to prevent further conflicts. The role of international law and multilateral institutions is also critical in resolving these disputes and ensuring the preservation of the region’s rich biodiversity.

However, the resolution of the South China Sea dispute is not just about resolving territorial claims. It is also about managing the rise of China as a global power, maintaining regional stability, and upholding the rules-based international order. The way this dispute is handled could set a precedent for other territorial disputes around the world and shape the future of international relations in the Indo-Pacific region.

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